Chad Stone: “We’re smiling and the markets are smiling and this is actually a good jobs report. It’s one of the few good jobs reports we’ve had in this recovery. We had 240,000 jobs on private and government payrolls combined. 257,000 jobs in the private sector. 23 straight months of private sector job creation. Another two years of that, we’ll have erased the hole that got created by the Great Recession.”
Local governments — mostly school districts — cut another 11,000 jobs last month. Total job losses at the state and local government levels have reached 668,000 since employment in this category peaked in August of 2008.
To put these figures in historical context, it’s useful to separate education workers (teachers, librarians, administrators, and so on in public schools, colleges, and universities) from other state and local workers (police, firefighters, garbage collectors, bus drivers, and so on). The education side of state and local employment has employed more people than the non-education side since the early 1990s, in part because of state education reforms that increased teacher hiring.
However, the public education workforce has shrunk over the last three years to its lowest level, relative to the U.S. population, since the late 1990s (see chart). The non-education state and local public workforce has shrunk to its lowest level since the mid-1980s.
Unfortunately, the downward trend in overall state and local employment shows no signs of slowing, due to continuing and upcoming budget cuts at the local, state, and federal levels. (About one-sixth of the federal budget goes to grants for state and local governments.)
A shrinking public-sector workforce as a share of the overall population can have a real impact on residents’ quality of life, since the services that states and localities provide — education, public safety, health care, and the like — tend to be pretty labor-intensive. It also risks undermining future economic growth, since businesses need educated, healthy workforces and safe streets to prosper.
Georgia in 2008 enacted tax breaks to expand health coverage by encouraging people to buy high-deductible insurance plans that they could pair with a Health Savings Account (HSA). Newt Gingrich’s Center for Health Transformation designed and promoted the law, claiming that 500,000 Georgians would gain health coverage using the tax breaks.
But, as our new analysis shows, these claims didn’t hold up. Georgia’s uninsured rate has gone up since then, not down, and at a faster rate than in the region and the country as a whole (see chart).
Some policymakers have called for repealing the Affordable Care Act and have promoted HSAs as one of the alternative ways to expand coverage. Our new report’s findings (which are consistent with our 2008 analysis of the Georgia law) cast serious doubt on that approach:
- There are 319,000 more Georgians without health insurance now than before the law was enacted.
- Georgia’s uninsured rate has increased more rapidly than the rest of the South and the nation as a whole. This is also true among the law’s stated target population — people making more than $50,000 a year.
These findings reinforce earlier studies on the limitations of federal tax breaks related to HSAs. These studies have shown that HSAs mostly benefit high-income people — the group that is least likely to be uninsured. That’s not surprising since the higher a person’s federal income tax bracket, the greater the value of the benefit.
The Affordable Care Act will cover 34 million Americans who would otherwise be uninsured, according to the Congressional Budget Office. Georgia’s experience provides some further evidence that promoting HSAs is not a viable alternative.
Today’s jobs report is encouraging, but we should judge it against the overall sluggishness of the economic recovery and a persistently large jobs deficit that remains after 23 straight months of private sector job creation. Payroll employment is still 5.6 million jobs short of where it was at the start of the Great Recession in December 2007, there are four jobless workers for every job opening, and long-term unemployment remains at an historic high level.
Below are some charts to show how the new figures look in historical context. Here is a link to our statement with further analysis.
See our chart book for more charts.
States and localities lose up to $23 billion in revenue a year in sales taxes that are legally due on interstate sales but that online retailers and other “remote sellers” do not collect. That hurts local retailers, too, since they have to collect sales taxes but their online competitors don’t.
Fortunately, the past week has seen two significant developments in states’ fight to force remote sellers to collect and remit sales taxes.
First, on January 27, the Tennessee Court of Appeals ruled that Scholastic Book Clubs must collect sales taxes on book sales in which teachers distribute the company’s marketing materials to students, collect the money, and distribute the books. Tennessee is the sixth state to sue the company and the third to win.
Of course, the way Scholastic sells its products is not typical of most remote sellers. The decision, however, reinforces the principle that a remote seller’s use of people within a given state to help make sales can obligate the company to charge sales tax in that state.
This legal principle is at the heart of much more far-reaching legislation — which New York and seven other states have enacted and several other states are considering — that requires remote sellers to charge sales tax when they hire independent websites in a state to solicit customers on their behalf. Amazon has challenged the New York law. Should the case reach the state’s top court or the U.S. Supreme Court, the Tennessee Scholastic decision will bolster New York’s argument.
Second, and perhaps more importantly, Arizona has handed Amazon a bill for $53 million in back taxes for its failure to charge sales tax to customers there, the Seattle Times reported today. Amazon has warehouses in Arizona but claims that, because an Amazon subsidiary owns them, it doesn’t have to charge sales tax there. (In the 1992 Quill decision, the U.S. Supreme Court held that a state can require a remote seller to charge sales tax only if the seller has a “physical presence” in the state.) Arizona apparently is dismissing Amazon’s argument — as did Texas, which imposed a similar $269 million assessment on Amazon last year. Amazon says that it is challenging the Arizona and Texas charges.
Clearly, states are trying to chip away at the costly problem of untaxed remote sales using their current legal authority. Bipartisan legislation now before Congress is the only really comprehensive way to solve the problem, but these state actions move the ball forward and pressure Congress to act.